REPUBLIKA BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA
National Congress of the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina
ONLINE NEWSLETTER - International, No. 659
April 2, 2010
1. BOSNIAKS DO NOT ACCEPT "THE SREBRENICA DECLARATION" WITHOUT THE WORD GENOCIDE
2. IFIMES: SERBIANS BEHEAD ELITES OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
3. Treason of Srebrenica and Zepa began by the creation of enclaves
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1. BOSNIAKS DO NOT ACCEPT "THE SREBRENICA DECLARATION" WITHOUT THE WORD GENOCIDE
Head of the Bosniak Community in Serbia warned Belgrade that Bosniaks will not accept the Serbian apology unless the word Genocide is used in the Parliamentary declaration on Srebrenica.
Muamer Zukorlic warned that the only connection Bosniaks in Serbia have with Belgrade is Genocide:
"Belgrade as a symbol of authority must know that between 'us' - who represent the Bosniak national corpus - and 'them', there is something called GE-NO-CIDE. Something very large -- something that happened eleven times in the past, the last time in Srebrenica. They committed eleven genocides against us."
Zukorlic claimed that Belgrade will never gain any support from the Bosniak people in Sanjak, regardless of Serbia's success in splitting the Islamic community into two camps - one controlled by Belgrade, and one democratically elected by its people.
In our overall ethnic division, there are two flags: one is in Belgrade and the other is here [in Sanjak], in the hands of the Bosniak cultural community. Our people are gathered around these two camps. But, I think that Belgrade's camp does not stand any chance. They simply cannot gain support from the Bosniak people in Sanjak, because they work for Belgrade."
Zukorlic sent a loud and clear message to Belgrade that the Bosniak community will not accept any Parliamentary Declaration on Srebrenica without the use of proper terminology:
"Let Belgrade prove to us whether they can remove this barrier between us - the barrier called Genocide. How can Belgrade do it? The first method is declarative, and the second is practical. The declarative method is the adoption of declaration against the Genocide. God willing. But, if they remove one letter from the word Genocide, then let them know that we won't accept the Srebrenica Declaration...
If you pay attention, you will notice them saying that the term Genocide does not matter, hence they call it "mass killing". Well, if they don't mind, then use the proper term - Genocide. Then, what is the problem? They don't care, and we do care. We want them to use the term Genocide...
They are insulting the basics of human intelligence. And that's the insult to human dignity."
Zukorlic invited Bosniaks to vote for the new party, Bosniak National Council, not for SDA and SDP, "Bosnjak" parties contolled by the serbian agents.
"In addition to religious we also need a ethnic unity. What we expect to happen in the upcoming elections is a great opportunity for the Bosniak National Council. Not the only opportunity, to be precise, but a huge chance for realization of a full ethnic unity," said Mufti Muamer-ef. Zukorlic. He criticised current Bosnjak politicinas, controled by Belgrade: "You have a right to your personal interest, and political interest, but you have no right to betray a national interest for the purpose of gaining political and personal interest."
International Institute for Middle-East and Balkan Studies - (IFIMES)
2. SERBIANS BEHEAD ELITES OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
In the continuation of the research “Serbia and Republika Srpska with joined forces against Bosnia and Herzegovina”, published on 8 March 2010 (link: http://www.ifimes.org/default.cfm?Jezik=En&Kat=10&ID=521 ), and in connection with the Ejup Ganic (the former member of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina) case, which is taking place before British jurisdiction on Serbia’s request, the IFIMES International Institute is announcing the newest facts and reasons why there are more than 10.000 incriminated Bosnians and Herzegovinians in Belgrade and in Sarajevo before the prosecutions of Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina.
JURCEVIC AND CADMAN AGAINST BOSNIANS AND HERZEGOVINIANS
Marinko Jurcevic, the former Prosecutor General of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Toby M. Cadman who carried out many important tasks for the International Community in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 2002 to 2008 (Prosecution of BiH, OHR, The Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina) are directly responsible for the incrimination of 10.000 patriotically oriented Bosnians and despite negative results of the Hague Prosecution concerning the responsibility of the Bosnian leadership, they have initiated investigations against them. Jurcevic and Cadman wrote “The Rules for Reviewing War Crimes” of the Bosnian Prosecution under No. KTA-RZ 47/04-1 dated 28 December 2004, with which they incriminated Bosnians and Herzegovinians who had not been accused by the Hague Prosecution due to the lack of substantial proof according to international standards. It is symptomatic that Toby M. Cadman is currently the representative of the United Kingdom and Serbia in the Ganic case.
When the Prosecutor’s Office of the Hague Tribunal transferred 846 cases to the Bosnian Prosecution in 2004, for which the Hague Tribunal Prosecution assumed it had enough proof according to international standards, it was expected that the above 846 so-called “A” cases would be the priority for the Hague Tribunal. Estimations of international experts regarding these cases, all 846 of them, were that these cases which were separated during the 8-year work following the “Rome Rules of the Road” and marked as a priority for criminal processing in Bosnia and Herzegovina, would take 30 years at best to be completely resolved. Obviously Marinko Jurcevic and some representatives of the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina didn't share the same opinion. The main prosecutor of Bosnia and Herzegovina at the time, Marinko Jurcevic created, with help and advice of Toby M. Cadman, who is currently representing interests of Serbia in the Ganic case in the name of British jurisdiction before the court in London, an internal statute of Bosnian Prosecution, also known as “Rules on the Examination of War Crime Material”, which annihilated 8 years of work of the Hague Tribunal. Under point 1 and point 6(2) of the Rules Jurcevic and Cadman wrote that the examination material includes all material (except indictments from the Hague), including material that the Hague Prosecution rejected and publicly announced that there were no elements of criminal responsibility!? Thus a few thousand pieces of these materials with more than 10.000 names of Bosnians and Herzegovinians, which were examined by the Hague Prosecution from 1996 to 2004 and rejected as no-proof material, once again became targets of Marinko Jurcevic and Toby M. Cadman. The crimes committed by Slobodan Miloševic and Franjo Tudman by killing Bosnians and Herzegovinians, was once again committed by the State Prosecutor Marinko Jurcevic by incriminating all individuals that defended Bosnia and Herzegovina. This legal genocide, committed by Jurcevic and Cadman (he stood for a high position in the Prosecution of Bosnia and Herzegovina one more time and allegedly made an agreement and assured support by the highly-positioned domestic Prosecutor of Bosnia and Herzegovina) resulted in legal chaos in Bosnia and Herzegovina in which Bosnia and Herzegovina was seeking for years the so-called work strategy regarding war crime material.
TADIC-DODIK-DUKIC TOGETHER AGAINST BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
Bosnia and Herzegovina and its citizens have become the hostages not only to their State Prosecution. Namely, all the materials with over 10,000 names of Bosnians and Herzegovinians that were rejected by the Prosecutor’s Office of the Hague Tribunal, were taken to Belgrade by Dodik’s confidant and the President of Detainees of Republika Srpska, Branislav Dukic who submitted them (with support of the Serbian president Boris Tadic) to the special Prosecutor for War Crimes in Serbia, Vladimir Vukcevic. This has resulted in the same situation in Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina with both Prosecutors engaged in processing patriotic Bosnian citizens in the same manner. The real nonsense is that both Prosecutors (Serbian and Bosnian) seek that Ganic be handed over, but at the same time both prosecutors and OHR know that the Hague Prosecutor rejected Ganic’s and other’s guilt in the Dobrovoljacka case. The main responsibility for this is borne by the Prosecution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was supposed to halt all the investigations in 2004, after it received a negative opinion on the Bosnian leadership, Ganic and others, and also from the international community, which is represented by OHR in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Serbian president Boris Tadic confirmed our analysis and arguments in the Ganic case with his statement on 14 March 2010 on the anniversary of Serbian Renewal Movement, when he said: “For Serbia, it is not essential that Ejup Ganic be handed over to us. For Serbia, the essential issue is that there should be a legal process in which Ganic, who is a war crime suspect, is an absolutely inevitable offender”.
In addition, Milorad Dodik, the Prime Minister of Republika Srpska, is also actively involved in the Ganic case. We would like to remind the public that Milorad Dodik as a member of Karadžic’s wartime National Assembly of Republika Srpska publicly supported the bombing of Zagreb on assembly sessions, which is officially recorded in the transcript of war sessions of the National Assembly of Republika Srpska. This transcript contains Dodik’s statement supporting the bombing of Zagreb and seeking for the Assembly to find justification for the bombing of the Croatian capital. Milan Martic was sentenced to 34-year prison sentence for the bombing of Zagreb by the Hague Tribunal. We expect that the Croatian Prosecution will carry out a court trial against Milorad Dodik and if he does not respond to the invitation of Croatian Prosecution, it should publish an international warrant against him for public approval and stimulation of war crime.
A LEGAL GENOCIDE OF BOSNIAN-HERZEGOVINIAN PEOPLE
Why did Jurcevic and his British collaborators produce such a legal situation?
The most probable and essential reason why Jurcevic-Cadman realized their horrendous plan lies in the fact that from 846 cases for which the Hague Tribunal approved to be processed in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 7% are connected with ethnic Bosniaks and 93% are suspected to be committed by ethnic Serbs and ethnic Croats. This ratio obviously upset Jurcevic and the international community in Bosnia, who probably permitted Jurcevic to repeat the process against the patriotically oriented Bosnians and Herzegovinians.
In our last analysis (8 March 2010), we published a document of the Hague Prosecution in which Ejup Ganic is acquitted of all charges and which was signed by Carla Del Ponte. This time we’re publishing a document for the member of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina Stjepan Kljujic, in which the main prosecutor Carla Del Ponte considers that according to international standards there is not enough convincing evidence against Stjepan Kljujic, the citizen of Bosnia and Herzegovina who is another target of Serbian and Bosnian prosecutions and the British jurisdiction. Every opinion of the Hague Prosecution states (at the end) that the document be forwarded to OHR, which confirms the teamwork of OHR and Bosnian Prosecution and the Serbian Prosecutor Vladimir Vukcevic, while Toby M. Cadman was the executor of the international politics in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
INTERNATIONAL (BRITISH) POLITICAL GAMES
In our last analysis we predicted the shameful role of the controversial British prosecutor Geoffrey Nice in his connection to Bosnia and Herzegovina and his activities in Serbia. In the network that was established by Mr. Nice there are also some former judges of the Hague Tribunal and some of the former and current employees of the Tribunal Prosecutor’s Office. In this analysis we point out another British Officer Toby M. Cadman, a colleague and an acquaintance of Mr. Nice, who gained enormous amounts of money year after year by working in Bosnia and Herzegovina in several international missions, but today he works to the detriment of this same country by representing Serbia in the Ganic case before the court in London. After this case, Cadman plans once again to work in Bosnia and Herzegovina so he can “protect” the interests of the country and its disoriented inhabitants even better. It is well known that Mr. Nice strongly aspired to become a prosecutor in Bosnian-Herzegovinian Prosecution, when his and Serbian speculation were uncovered that the trial to Radovan Karadžic should be carried out in Bosnia and Herzegovina. That’s why it is essential that Mr. Cadman and Sir Nice be removed from all institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bosnian governmental and non-governmental organizations and that they be prohibited to work in and around Bosnia and Herzegovina. The competent persons at the Hague Tribunal should carry out an investigation of the operations of its current and former employees, who not only act against the interests of Bosnia and Herzegovina, but also directly undermine the work and activities of the Hague Tribunal.
The beheading of Bosnian-Herzegovinian elites will be continued also in the following period and will be targeted against prominent patriotically oriented Bosnians and Herzegovinians. The question which arises is how to prevent this emerging “elitocide” in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
It should be stressed that two resolutions of the United Nations Security Council (752 and 757, 1992) were adopted according to which the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) were labelled and punished as the aggressors on Bosnia and Herzegovina, and that the verdict of the International Court of Justice (ICJ), clearly defined that Serbia is responsible for not preventing the genocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina and that the offenders of the genocide are the institutions of Republika Srpska, so Serbia is bound to hand over general Ratko Mladic to the Hague Tribunal (ICTY).
In our next analysis we will publish some information on the role of domestic politicians of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as of certain individuals (so-called experts) and some leaders of the non-governmental sector in Bosnia and Herzegovina, who all contributed to the legal genocide of Bosnians and Herzegovinians in the Prosecution of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia, not only in the Ganic case, but also regarding their involvement and connections with individuals such as Toby M. Cadman, Geoffrey Nice and other international “well-doers” for the interests of Bosnia and Herzegovina and its citizens.
3. Treason of Srebrenica and Zepa began by the creation of enclaves
By Muhamed Borogovac, Ph.D.
(Posted originally in the BalkansDiscussion Group)
In the eastern part of Bosnia, around Srebrenica, Bosniaks were the ethnic majority. When the Serbian army i.e. 3 corps from Serbia, attacked in 1992, the Bosniaks managed to organize a defense, survive, and consequently liberate a large territory of eastern Bosnia. Although the Serbian army were able to strongly attack and move back the frontlines of Bosnian defenders around Srebrenica, they never were able to keep the territory because they could not completely defeat the defenders. Defenders would withdraw deeply within Srebrenica, just to return later, because Serbia could not afford to keep thousands of soldiers firmly holding territory around Srebrenica for long. Bosnians were winning that war around Srebrenica (and elsewhere) because of their fighting spirit; because they were defending their families, property, and lives, while Serbian soldiers were drafted young people from Serbia who wanted to go home as soon as possible. Therefore, the Serbian offensives were strong but short lasting. So when Serbs made one strong offensive on Srebrenica in the spring of 1993 the only way to hold the territory long term was to make a localized cease fire, just around Srebrenica.
Those localized ceasefires were the main methodology of war against Bosnia. Those tactics enabled Serbs to move their three army Corps from one spot to another, making offensives, taking territories, an then making ceasefire deals with Bosnian prezident Izetbegovic that kept these territories as firmly Serbian.
So, the creation of UN Safe havens was just the first step of the treason of the people of Eastern Bosnia who remained isolated in Srebrenica with the deals of Bosnian politicians. The genocide in Srebrenica in 1995 was just the final act to finish off the victim.
Srebrenica was not indefensible even as a UN safe haven. It could be defended diplomatically, insisting on preserving Bosnia as the country of its citizens, as it was recognized by the UN. Srebrenica and Zepa were UN enclaves in the middle of the territory occupied by the Serbian army. The only problem for Serbs and Izetbegovic was that it was not possible to create a geographically compact, viable Serbian republic with Srebrenica and Zepa in the heart of it. Instead of using Srebrenica to show how it is impossible to divide the country along ethnic lines, Bosnian leaders were looking how to eliminate the ethnic majority in Srebrenica in order to create a ethnic pure Republika Srpska. Is this not treason by definition?
There are no similarities with other situations from history mentioned by Ivo because Srebrenica was under UN protection. It is true that Srebrenica was not protected by UN from genocide in the final moments, but it was because all parties earlier agreed that Srebrenica was a problem given their goal: the division of the country, i.e. creation of the ethnic pure Serbian Republic.
The only crime that the Clinton administration committed is that they went along with the criminal plan of Karadzic and Izetbegovic (i.e. criminal plan of Serbia, and Serbian agents set to power in the Bosnian government.)