NKRBH - Online glasnik Bosanskog kongresa

Subject :
Online glasnik Bosanskog kongresa

Date :
Sat, 24 Feb 2001 22:48:52 -0500


Danasnji "Online Glasnik Bosanskog kongresa" donosi:

1. Vijesti

Obavjestenja

2. Prof. Sendijarevic govori o BiH na Univerzitetu u Michiganu
3. Bajramsko sijelo u Bostonu
4. Pocela prodaja knjige Dr. Borogovca i u Tuzli

Textovi i komentari

5. Jeli ovo ruzan san
6. Zelim da Bosna postane normalna drzava
7. Krajnji je cas da se ponisti Daytonski ne-sporazum
8. Stanje Daytonske Unije (Engleski)
________________________________________________________

1. Vijesti

- Predsjednik Vijeca ministara Bosne i Hercegovine je postao Prof.
Elektrotehnickog Fakulteta u Sarajevu Dr. Bozidar Matic.

- Povukao se sa funkcije bivsi Gradonacelnik "Lijeve Obale" Mostara Safet
Orucevic. Tom prilikom je napao Bicakcica da je sa velikom upornoscu
dijelio i Mostar i Bosnu i Hercegovinu.

Komentar. Buduci da Bosanski kongres nije novinska agencija koja neutralno
prenosi vijesti, nego patrotska organizacija, duzni smo vas ukratko
upoznati sta ove promjene znace.

- Pozdravljamo dolazak Prof. Bozidara Matica na celo Vijeca Minstara. Dr
Matic je uvijek bio i ostao Bosanski patriota. Ako zelite da se bolje
upoznate sa njegovim politickim stavovima skrecemo vam paznju da je
"Online Glasnik Bos. kongresa prosle godine prenio njegov intervju iz
"Dana", pa mozete to naci i ponovo procitati.

Nazalost ne treba se nadati da ce Prof. Matic uciniti neki bitan pomak
naprijed. Ne zato sto on to ne bi zelio, nego zato sto su nadleznosti
Predjednika Vijeca Ministara BiH prema Daytonskom ustavu veoma ogranicene.
Naime, za sve sto bi zelio da provede u djelo Prof Matic ce morati dobiti
saglasnost Republike Srpske. Jasno je da se u takvim uslovima ne moze
raditi. U tome i lezi objasnjenje sto su izdajnici dozvolili da bosanski
patriota Matic dobije tu funkciju.

- Pozdravljamo i povlacenje Orucevica i njegovu izjavu o Bicakcicu. Ipak,
duzni smo primjetiti, da je ova izjava u sustini jos jedna podvala i
Mostarcima, kao i svim Bosnjacima. Naime, Bicakcic nije niko i nista bez
Alije Izetbegovica i nije on donosio odluke kojima se dijeli i BiH i
Mostar, nego Alija Izetbegovic. Dakle, da je iskreno htio da pomogne i
Mostaru i Bosni i Hercegovini, Orucevic je morao raskrinkati pravog krivca,
a ne marionetu.

Osim toga, sudbinu Mostara nije mogao ni Izetbegovic zapecatiti sam, nego
mu je u tome pomogao upravo Orucevic. Naime, kada je Koshnik napravio
statut jedinstvenog Mostara, Alija je otrcao u Rim da to ponisti i da se
dogovori sa Tudzmanom o podjeli. Medjutim, bez obzira na Alijin potpis
podjela nije mogla biti pravosnazna sve dok je i Mostarci nisu potpisali.
Tada je Alija obradio Orucevica, gradonacelnika Mostara, da to ucini.
Dakle, napad na Bicakcica nije nista drugo nego napad na zrtvenog jarca,
piona kojega je pravi zlikovac Alija Izetbegovic zrtvovao da odradi prljavi
posao unistenja Republike Bosne i Hercegovine.

Dr. Muhamed Borogovac
________________________________________________________________

2. Predavanje Prof. Sendijarevica

U organizaciji Muslimanske studentske asocijacije, University of Michigan,
Ann Arbor, Michigan, Dr. Vahid Sendijarevic ce odrzati predavanje na temu:
Politicki aspekti sukoba na Balkanu". Predavanje ce biti odrzno 8-smog
marta, 2001 u 7 sati popodne. Ovo predavanje je jedno iz serije predavanja
koje je Dr. Sendijarevic odrazao u posljednje dvije godine na razlicitim
institucijama u Americi.

Cilj predavanja je da se americkoj javnosti objasni situacija na Balkanu, a
posebno u Republici Bosni i Hercegovini i na Kosovu.

Dr. Sendijarevic je inace redovni Prof. na Univerzitedu Detroit Mercy, i
jedan od osnivaca Bosanskog Kongresa u SAD. Dr. Sendijarevic je clan
nekoliko organizacija u Americi. Pored ostalog, clan je Savjeta Islamskih
organizacije u drzavi Michigan.

M. B.
________________________________________________________________

3. BAJRAMSKO SIJELO

Petak, 9. marta 2001, u 8:00 PM
Sala: "Polish Legion of American Veterans"
25 Elmwood, Lynn, MA

Gost veceri SEJO KALAC, pobjednik festivala narodne muzike "BIHAC '98"

Ovaj put imamo znatno vecu salu tako da niko nece ostati napolju.
Cijena ulaznice $20.

Rezervacija mjesta na talefonima: (781) 324-8640 ili 608-4980 ili u kafeu
"Sarajevo" u Everetu

Uputstvo za voznju:
1. Od I-93 exit 33 Rt 60 East
2. Voziti za Revere do Rt 1A (Lynnway)
3. Uzeti 1A NORTH za Lynn
4. Nakon 1-2 milje sa lijeve strane je McDonald
5. Uzeti lijevo izmedju dvije benzinske pumpe u Commercial St.
6. Skrenuti u prvu lijevo Bennet St.
7. Na kraju Benet St. skrenuti desno u Elmwood St.
8. 200 Metara dalje je parkiraliste zgrade "Poljskih veterana"
________________________________________________________________

4. I u Tuzli se sada moze kupiti knjiga "Rat U BiH - Politicki aspekti"

Napokon su pribavljene sve potvrde i knjiga se moze kupiti u knjizarama
"Univerzala" u Tuzli. Inace, knjiga je bila rasprodata u knjizarama
"Svjetlosti" u Sarjevu, ali je ponovo u prodaji. Knjiga se dobro prodaje i
preko web stranice

http://www.interliber.com
______________________________________________________________

5. Jeli ovo ruzan san

Pozdrav Muhamede

Veoma dobar komentar sa tvoje strane o Muslimasnkim srbima.

Ja licno mislim da su nam oni veci neprijatelji od Srba i Hrvata zajedno. A
u stvari zasto mi njih zovemo Muslimanski Srbi, zasto ih ne zovemo samo Srbi.

I bas u zadnje vrijeme posmatram situaciju koja se odvija dole u nasem
kantonu i polako se tu nekako vidi onaj zavrsni cin predstave "Zalazak
Bosnjaka". Na vlast dolaze ljudi koji su prije deset ili cak dvadeset
godina bili "vrli" borci za srpsku stvar, da zavrse ono sto je SDA
zapocela. U prenesenom smislu, to je kao kad se kuca pravi. SDA je "grube"
poslove odradila, a ovi novi boljsevici finiraju i rade fasadu na
"bosnjackom Mutvaku".

To si sto posto u pravu kada kazes da su oni izuzetno sposobni, vjesti i
prefrigani i da onaj nas porobljeni, apoliticni narod uposte nemoze da u
njima prepozna opasnost, a kamoli da se protiv njih bori, jer oni sad
dolaze kao oslobodioci koji ce narod osloboditi od SDA koja je zavela
narod i podjelila drzavu, i onda polako nastaviti tamo gdje je SDA stala. I
pravi bosanski patrioti ce biti opet stjerani u cosak i dobiti "etiketu"
radikala i extremista koji su za ideju muslimanske bosne i protiv Srba i
Hrvata, sto je vec pocelo.

Gledajmo samo primjer Kladnja koji je u onom ratu bio slobodan do juna 1943
i onda bio porobljen od boljsevika. Ista situacija se sad ponavlja, ponovo
je u Kladanj dosla ta neka nova vlast, i pod plastom demokratije i borbe
protiv kriminala zauzima pozicije i "siri" se samo kako ona zna i umije.

I znaci poslije toliko krvi i nacionalnog, vjerskog osvjescivanja opet nam
dolaze oni koji nisu voljeli bajrame, nislu sunetili djecu i stajali
uspravno na djenazama kad se klanjalo, odvracali od Mejtefa. Jeli ovo samo
ruzan san ili..............

Puno pozdrava.

Edin M.
__________________________________________________________________

6. Zelim da Bosna postane normalna drzava

Postovana gospodo,

Hvala za E-mail. Kao prijatelj cjelovite Bosne i Hercegovine kao dr¾ave
koja æe suraðivati sa svim zemljama svijeta, te po¹tivati prava èovejka i
graðanina prema prihvaæenim meðunarodnim standardima, ¾elio bih i nadalje
primati va¹u po¹tu, te koliko je u mojoj moæi dati doprinos da Bosna i
Hercegovina poène funkcionirati kao svaka druga dr¾ava bez podjela koje su
nastale u velikoj mjeri u suradnji sa KOS-om, i ostalim stranim tajnim
slu¾bama, te prvenstveno Milo¹eviæem, i na¾alost negdje i podr¹ku
meðunarodne zajednice.

Zeleæi vam svako dobro, kao i svim graðanima BiH, srdaèno vas pozdravljam,
uvjeren da se BiH mo¾e i mora saèuvati kao cjelovita dr¾ava.

Sa prijateljskim pozdravom,

Janko Buèar
__________________________________________________________

7. KRAJNJI JE CAS DA SE PONISTI DAYTONSKI (NE)SPORAZUM

Lijep Pozdrav,

Nismo se odavno culi, pa sam razmisljao da vas kontaktiram u vezi
najnovijih dogadjaja u BiH. Naime, nova vlada je izabrana, nasi najveci
neprijatelji su u kakvoj, takvoj opoziciji (ne zavarvam se jos, ne brini),
a donekle postoji nova inicijativa iz Hrvatskog korpusa o "dogradnji"
Dejtona (koliko je iskrena ne znam).

Mislim da je sada TRENUTAK da neko ispred BiH izadje sa zahtjevom pred
medjunarodni sud pravde da se Dejtonski "ne-sporazum" ponisti kao
neustavan. Uvjeren sam da ako to sada ne uradimo mozemo zauvjek zaboraviti
n Republiku BiH. Pitanje je ko i kako to moze uraditi, uvjeren sam da to
nije nemoguce.

Sta mi mozemo uciniti da se to desi "sada"?. Pozdrav jos jednom.

Esad
esko@btinternet.com

Komentar: Slazem se sa Tobom da je ovo sto pokrece Hrvatski narod, a to je
kantonizaciju cijele BiH, dakle i Republike Srpske, u interesu i Bosnjaka.
Na primjer, poslije Srebrenicke tragedije "nasi" pregovaraci su dogovarali
formiranje Srebrenickog kantona u Republici Srpskoj. (Istina, to su oni
radili samo da bi imali odstupnicu u slucaju da ih Bosnjaci masovno napadnu
za izdaju Srebrenice. Nazalost, niko od Bosnjaka ih ne poziva da se to i
provede osim "Majki Srebrenice" i Ibrana Mustafica, pa su oni i zaboravili
na Srebrenicki kanton.) Medju Bosnjacima su u vlasti sada izdajnici koji
se bore jedino za interese Republike Srpske i koji neumorno lazu narod kako
je Dayton svetinja koja se ne moze mijenjati. Dakle, ne mozemo ocekivati da
ce "nasi", Silajdjic, Tokic, Beslagic itd. traziti ponistenje Daytona.
Uostalom i Hrvati su se trgnuli tek kada su se oslobodili Tudjmanove vlasti
koja ih je u Bosni izigrala i zajedno sa Alijom formirala Republiku Srpsku.

A sta mi mozemo uciniti? Mozemo jedino objaviti ovo Tvoje pismo i nadati se
da ce ljudi sa nase liste, medju kojima su i mnogi novinari, poceti gurati
tu stvar u svojim redakcijama, firmama, opstinama, u narodu itd.

M. B.
__________________________________________________________________

8. STANJE DAYTONSKE UNIJE

Autor, Stephen Schwartz, stari prijatelj Republike Bosne i Hercegovine.

February 15, 2001

State of the Union

The Great Balkan Botch-Up

By Stephen Schwartz. Mr. Schwartz is author, most recently, of
"Intellectuals and Assassins" (Anthem, 2000). He commutes between homes in
the U.S. and Sarajevo.

The interventions of the Western powers in the Balkans were sold to public
opinion in Western Europe and the United States as responses to
humanitarian emergencies. As such, they may have succeeded: The Dayton
agreement of 1995 ended open fighting in Bosnia-Herzegovina and the 1999
NATO campaign in Kosovo prevented the complete expulsion of the province's
large Albanian population, which the regime of Slobodan Milosevic had begun
to effect a year before.

Nevertheless, it has become obvious to many on the ground that the
necessary corollary to military action -- intelligent reconstruction of the
damaged social fabric in the Balkans -- is failing badly. And in this area,
much of the responsibility belongs with the European Union and
European-based nongovernmental organizations.

Bosnia, where the foreign authorities have been the longest and most
extensively active, provides the worst-case scenario for what at best can
be called "humanitarian colonialism." Since Dayton, some $5 billion has
been expended in Bosnia on so-called "nation building." Yet Bosnians have
almost nothing to show for this shower of gold. Housing reconstruction has
lagged, employment is stagnant, privatization has become a subject of
bitter humor.

Traveling around the region in the past two years, I repeatedly observed
certain economic patterns. In the de facto Croatian areas of Herzegovina
and central Bosnia, there is more and spiffier economic development than
elsewhere. Shopping malls have appeared, glamorous restaurants offer
tasteful menus, and people have a prosperous look. But virtually all of
this growth is based on direct investment from Croatia, with no help from
the "international community."

The so-called Republika Srpska or Bosnian Serb Republic, remains the most
devastated in infrastructural terms, with whole regions showing no housing
reconstruction or even the evidence of human habitation. Much economic
activity in the "R.S." involves smuggling of such nonessential but
immediately profitable items as cigarettes and CDs.

In Sarajevo and the rest of "Muslim" Bosnia, economic development is
parasitical. That is, at least 30% of the economy is based on the
"international community" -- restaurants catering almost exclusively to
foreigners and rental of apartments to foreigners at speculative rates
being the two most obvious examples. But there are other, less visible
aspects to this situation: The best-paid jobs for Bosnians are as drivers,
interpreters, clerks, and guards for the hundreds, if not thousands of
foreign agencies, official as well as nongovernmental, that pullulate the
landscape.

For Bosnians themselves, this environment has become deeply demoralizing.
Schoolteachers make a third of what their sons and daughters, working as
security guards, earn. University professors lack computers, while foreign
offices junk the computers they don't need. Payments in the domestic
Bosnian economy are often delayed for months at a time. Foreign NGOs have
been known to flout the Bosnian tax laws. All the same phenomena exist in
Kosovo.

In addition, of course, the European authorities and the NGOs have promised
a rainbow of lifestyle improvements for victims of the Bosnian and Kosovo
conflicts, almost none of which have materialized. Three major areas of
Bosnian and Kosovar life have been completely ignored by the foreigners:
culture, interreligious affairs, and professional and labor organizations.

The arrogance of foreign NGO personnel toward Bosnians and Kosovar
Albanians seems limitless. They assume that no political or cultural wisdom
existed in these societies before they arrived. Everything has to start
from zero: Journalists must be completely retrained, political parties must
be started from scratch, the education system must be totally revamped.
Western political correctness has also resulted in such exercises as the
demand that at least one-third of all political candidacies in Bosnia and
Kosovo be reserved for women.

Yet for all their rhetoric, these foreign-aid workers rarely so much as
bother to learn the local languages. In Bosnia, high foreign officials with
academic training in South Slavic studies may speak Serbo-Croatian, but the
lower ranks can usually talk only to other English speakers. In Kosovo, the
number of foreign officials and operatives who speak Albanian may be
counted on the fingers of one hand.

Foreign authorities are equally ignorant of interreligious efforts, despite
the fact that they are of immense importance to the future of the region.
Having provided a semblance of civil society during the depredations of the
communist years, religious leaders enjoy much greater popular respect than
politicians of any stripe. In particular, the activities of the Bosnian
Interreligious Council, which meets frequently and brings together
Catholics, Christian Orthodox, Muslims, and Jews shows that the deep
fissures between the three rival communities can be bridged by people of
sincere good will. That stands in marked contrast to the tripartite Bosnian
government, which is characterized by the icy hostility between its members.

Professional and labor organization represents one of the worst gaps. There
are literally no functioning professional associations in many sectors of
the Bosnian and Kosovar economies. This means not only that there is no
accountability, there are not even standards for accountancy. As a result,
many Bosnians remain ignorant of the workings of modern banking, customs
and tax collection, and related basic elements of a modern economy.

What is to blame? Political correctness, above all. The foreigners in
Bosnia-Herzegovina had a simple-minded goal: eradicate nationalism, a
concept that was never realistic and would never have been entertained in
the Middle East or other crisis areas. And because a narrow-minded
opposition to nationalism was accompanied by a fantasy of returning to
pre-1990 Titoite socialism, no serious attempt has been made by the foreign
authorities to foster economic education in free-market principles or to
carry out authentic privatization.

If the "international community" is to succeed in Bosnia, it must come to
grips with one simple truth: Nationalism cannot be wished or hugged away.
Foreign authorities must not turn up their noses at moderate nationalist
political groups that defend their communities' cultural identities but
that renounce violence and agree to the punishment of war criminals. After
all, such programs are what undermined Slobodan Milosevic in Serbia and
brought Stipe Mesic to power in Croatia. Why try to fight it in Bosnia?
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Bosnian Congress USA

http://www.hdmagazine.com/bosnia