Thursday, December 4, 2008

#558 SKUPLJENI DOKAZI DA JE IZETBEGOVIC ZADRZAVAO EMBARGO ARMIJI REPUBLIKE BiH

REPUBLIKA BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA

21. juli 2008.

ONLINE GLASNIK NACIONALNOG KONGRESA REPUBLIKE BiH - br. 558

SADRZAJ:



1. UHAPSEN RADOVAN KARADZIC U SRBIJI



2. SKUPLJENI DOKAZI DA JE IZETBEGOVIC ZADRZAVAO EMBARGO ARMIJI REPUBLIKE BiH



PRILOG 1: Clanak iz New York Timesa koji javlja da je Alija “odgodio” naoruzavanje Armije BiH za 6 mjeseci



PRILOG 2. Rezolucije usvojena od strane americkog Kongresa 4 januara 1995. kojom je ukinut "Arms Embargo" Bosni i Hercegovini



PRILOG 3. Izetbegovicev govor u UN kojim je i drugi put, defintivno odbio naoruzavanje Armije BiH


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1. UHAPSEN RADOVAN KARADZIC U SRBIJI



Vjerovatno ste vec procitali agencijske vijesti i stereotipne analize. Sigurno je da je to moglo biti ucinjeno i ranije, a da je ovaj trenutak izabran vjerovatno kao najpogodniji za Srbiju.



Zato, jedino otvoreno pitanje je: "Da li ce Karadzic odati svoje jatake na Bosnjackoj strani?"



U BH medijima su se pojavile razne "analize", ali je daleko najbolja analiza jednog citatelja Avaza, koja slijedi:



Upucujem cestitke postenim ljudima koji su ga konacno uhapsili, dijelim odusevljenje sa desetinama Bosanaca i Hercgovaca koji se tome raduju i takodje sa svim njegovim zrtvama, koje sada mogu bar donekle odahnuti znajuci da je ovaj najveci zlocinac poslije Hitlera konacno uhapsen.



Istovremeno se radujem sto ce milioni njegovih istomisljenika i sljedbenika iz genocidne tvorevine te iz cetnickih stranaka SDA, SDP i SBiH sada bar malo izgubiti samopouzdanju u legalizaciji njegove zaostavstine tzv. RS, odnosno genocidne tvorevine. Ja se nadam da ce on Hagu otkriti jatake iz Sarajeva i da ce sud u Hagu uskoro uputiti optuznicu za genocid njegovim direktnim saradnicima iz SDP, SDA i SBiH. Tek to ce biti praznik za oci.



Pratite sada samo ponasanje zvanicne cetnicke vlasti u Sarajevu. To je sok za njih jer ce konacno istina o njihovom saucescu u Srebrenici, prodaji Republike BiH i veleizdaji doci na vidjelo. Doticni su u soku. Sve svjetske TV stance prekinule su programa objavljujuci najvazniju vijest godine samo sve rezimske TV stanice iz BiH emituju muziku.



Pratite ko ce medju Srbomuslimanima okupljenim oko SDA, SDP i SBiH biti najomrazenija licnost. Svakako bit ce to Boris Tadic kome ce biti zabranjen dolazak u multi-cetnicku BiH.



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2. SKUPLJENI DOKAZI DA JE IZETBEGOVIC ZADRZAVAO EMBARGO ARMIJI REPUBLIKE BiH





Slijede dokazi o tome da je samo Alija Izetbegovic drzao “Arms embargo” Armiji Republike BiH, uprkos pokusajima Sjedinjeih Americkih drzava da se umjesaju u rat mnogo prije Daytona, kada se mogla spasiti celovita Republika BiH. Svaku citiranu cinjenicu mozete naci na odgvarajucem linku i u Prilozima 1, 2, i 3 na kraju Glasnika, za koje takodjer dajemo linkove.



Na web stranici Americkog Kongresa



http://thomas.loc.gov/bss/d104query.html



ako kliknete na 103, ili na 104, i u “search” stavite "Bosnia" izlistace vam se sve aktivnosti 103. tj. 104. saziva Kongresa Sjedinjenih drzava o Bosni i Hercegovini.



Slijede izvodi sa osnovnim informacijama o rezolucijama oba dome Kongresa (House of the Representatives i Senata) o americkom skidanju embraga Armiji Republike BiH, i izmedju njih kratki prevodi osnovnih cinjenica. (Imajmo na umu da Amerikanci kada pisu datume uvijek stavljaju prvo mjesec, pa dan pa godinu. Dakle, 1/4/1995 znaci 4. januar 1995, sto sam ja na mnogim mjestima u ovom clanku i prveo.)



Iz slijedeceg izvoda cete vidjeti da je 5/12/1994 (12. maja 1994) izglasana u Senatu Bob Doleova Rezolucija sa 50 : 49 po kojoj “Sjedinjene Drzave Amerike ukidaju embargo na oruzje Vladi Bosne i Hercegovine”.



54. S.AMDT.1695 to S.2042 To provide for the termination of the United States arms embargo of the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Sponsor: Sen Dole, Robert J. [KS] (introduced 5/10/1994)(predstaljena 10. maja 1994) Cosponsors: 33 Latest Major Action: 5/12/1994 Senate amendment agreed to. Status: Amendment SP 1695 agreed to in Senate by Yea-Nay Vote. 50-49. Record Vote No: 111.

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Iz slijedecg izvoda vidite da je ubrzo zatim rezolucija o naoruzavanju Bosne i Hercegovine od strane USA prosla u drugom domu Kongresa (House) 6/9/1994 (tj. 9. juna 1994.) i da je tada odobreno 200 miliona US Dolara koje predsjednik moze odmah dati za naoruzanje Armije BiH “kada to Bosanska vlada zatrazi”.



26. H.AMDT.611 to H.R.4301 Amendment requires the President to unilaterally lift the arms embargo on Bosnia and gives the President the discretion to provide up to $200 million in defense articles and services to the Bosnian government upon its request for such aid.



Sponsor: Rep McCloskey, Frank [IN-8] (introduced 6/9/1994) (9. June 1994) Cosponsors: (none) Latest Major Action: 6/9/1994 House amendment agreed to. Status: On agreeing to the McCloskey amendment (A025) Agreed to by recorded vote: 244 - 178 (Roll no. 222).

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Procedura ponovo dovodi rezoluciju o naoruzavanju BiH u Senat i 11. avgusta 1994. ponovo Senat glasa, sada sa vecinom od 56 : 44. Evo osnovne informacije o tome:



64. S.AMDT.2524 to H.R.4650 To express the sense of Congress concerning the international efforts to end the conflict in Bosnia and Hercegovina and to establish a process to end the arms embargo on the Government of Bosnia and Hercegovina.



Sponsor: Sen Nunn, Sam [GA] (introduced 8/10/1994) Cosponsors: 4 Latest Major Action: 8/11/1994 Senate amendment agreed to. Status: Amendment SP 2524 agreed to in Senate by Yea-Nay Vote. 56-44. Record Vote No: 279.

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Tada je zaista bilo vruce da ce se Amerika umijesati na strani BiH, jer ne bi Amerika prekrsila UN embargo tek tako. Amerika je tada istinski zeljela pomoci narodu Bosne i Hercegovine i sacuvati jedinstvenu Republiku BiH.



Jedini covjek koji je tada mogao zaustaviti da Amerika naoruza Armiju Republike BiH je bio bosanki predjsnik, ako bi odbio da primi poklon. I Upravo se to dogadja. Izetbegovic dolazi u Ameriku 27. septembra u UN i trazi da se odgodi skidanje embarga za sest mjeseci, a umjesto toga da ostanu UN u BiH.



Sam Izetbegovic je priznao u BH stampi da je odustao od naoruzavanja Armije BiH. Tada su u BiH objavljene Izetbegoviceve izjave u "Vecernjim" i "Danima" u kojima to priznaje, ali to naravno predstavlja kao mudrost, a ne izdaju.



Objavljene su i reakcije na Englekom, NY Times, razni Evropski mediji, iz kojih se jasno vidi da je Alija na iznenadjenje svih odustao od naoruzavanja Armije BiH, i da je umjesto toga trazio da ostanu Englezi i Francuzi u BiH itd.



U PRILOGU 1 je clanak iz NY Timesa od 28. septembra 1994. koji govori o Izetbegoviceom "odgadjanju" naoruzavanja ArmijueRepublike BiH od strane Amerike.

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Buduci da su se zlocini i agresija nastavljali Amerikanci ne odustaju od naoruzavanja Armije R BiH i ponovo je postalo "vruce" da bi se mogao skinuti embargo, kada je u Senatu izglasana Bob Doleova rezolucija 4. januara 1995. sa dvotrecinskom vecinom, tako da je Clinton mogao jos samo jednom NAKRATKO staviti veto i zaustaviti naoruzavanje Armije BiH. Clinotn je obrazlozio taj VETO cinjenicom da “i Bosanci zele podjelu BiH”. Evo osnovnih podataka o toj Rezoluciji.



S.21

Title: A bill to terminate the United States arms embargo applicable to the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina.



Sponsor: Sen Dole, Robert J. [KS] (introduced 1/4/1995) (4. January 1995) Cosponsors: 18 Related Bills: H.RES.204, H.R.1172 Latest Major Action: 8/11/1995 Vetoed by President.



Kompletan tekst ove Rezolucije se nalazi na kraju ovog clanka, kao PRILOG 2.



Ponovo, jedini covjek na svijetu koji je tada mogao zaustaviti Ameriku da naoruza Armiju Republike BiH je bio Alija Izetbegovic. I on tada dolazi u Ujedinjene Nacije i na Generalnoj skuspotini UN 24. oktobra 1995. i zabija noz u ledja nasim prijateljima u americkom Kongresu koji su poslije duge politicke borbe bili isposlovali da Amerika naoruza Armiju Republike BiH i da to ni Clinton vise nije mogao zadrzavati. Naime, Alija se obraca na Generalnoj skusptini UN i uz puno zalopojki i kuknjave nad sudbinom Bosne, cime skriva izdaju, on izmedju ostalog u sustini kaze da on zeli pregovore, a ne oruzje. On kaze da je nama nametnut ovaj rat i da sada poobjedjujemo, ali da nama nije cilj da budemo pobjednici u ratu, nego da mi zelimo biti pobjendci u miru. Zatim kaze da “nama ne treba uspostava ravnoteze na visem nivou, naoruzavanjem Armije BiH, nego na nizem nivou, razoruzavanjem Srba”.



Kompletan tekst Alijinog govora se nalazi na na kraju ovoga clanka kao PRILOG 2, a gornje izjave su podebljane.



Svako ko zivi u Americi zna kakva je komplikovana procedura da se izglasa neka rezolucija u Kongresu, a Alija se ponasa kao da nasi prijatelji u Americi imaju u dzepu ono sto on trazi, pa mu mogu dati istog momenta kada on zatrazi. Ljudi kao Bob Dole, McCloskey, Lugar, Lieberman, Byden su se potrudili i odradili mukotrpan posao i taman kada su bili u situaciji da nas naoruzaju, Alija je samo odbio poklon i rekao necu to, hocu nesto drugo (razoruzavanje Srba). Time je svim prijateljima Bosne i Hercegovine u Kongresu postalo jasno da "i Bosanci hoce podjelu drzave", kako su im Clinton i Christofer vec dugo vremena objasnjavali, te su i nasi prijatelji u Kongresu USA digli ruke od cjelovite BiH i pustili Aliji da se dogovori i potpise Dayton.



Naime, bez obzira koliko je Amerika mocna, ona ne moze spasiti Bosnu ako ni Bosnjaci nece cjelovitu Bosnu. To je Alija jednom objasnio rijecima: "Niko ne moze sprijeciti samoubicu da se ubije."



Jedini gori zlocinci od cetnika su njihovi jataci u Sarajevu. Nazalost, JOS JEDINO ONI USPJEVAJU DA IZBJEGNU PRAVDU, VJEROVATNO ZATO STO JE NJIHOV UCINAK NAJDRAGOCJENIJI U CETNICKOM PROJEKTU.



Dr. Muhamed Borogovac

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PRILOG 1: Clanak iz New York Timesa koji javlja da je Alija “odgodio” naoruzavanje Armije BiH za 6 mjeseci



Bosnian Leader Agrees to 6-Month Delay in Lifting Arms Embargo



By BARBARA CROSSETTE,

New York Times: September 28, 1994

Asserting that "the free world neither supported nor defended freedom" in Bosnia, President Alija Izetbegovic said today that he would nonetheless agree to postponing the lifting of an arms embargo against his country for six months in return for stronger international protection.

The shift by the Bosnian Government, announced in a speech to the United Nations General Assembly, followed more than three years of demanding the right to import weapons to defend itself against the better equipped Bosnian Serbs.

It came in the face of a threat from Britain and France to withdraw the United Nations peacekeeping force from Sarajevo and other areas of Bosnia if the embargo, which began on Sept. 25, 1991, was lifted, Western officials said.

The Clinton Administration, under pressure from Congress, had announced that it intended to ask the Security Council to exempt Bosnia from an arms embargo applied to all of the former Yugoslavia if the Bosnian Serbs did not agree to an international peace plan by Oct. 15.

American officials must now reword their resolution, finding language that the British, French and Russian Governments will accept. The resolution must allow for the lifting of the embargo on Bosnia next spring without actually setting a deadline for the lifting to go into effect automatically. The United States, Britain, France, Russia and Germany have been working together in what they call a "contact group" to bring peace to Bosnia, where a third winter of war looms.

"In its very beginning, this was not a war but an attack by a well-armed and equipped army, the former Yugoslav army, against defenseless citizens," Mr. Izetbegovic said today, speaking in halting English. "The results of this uneven struggle are as follows: Seventy percent of our country fell under occupation in the first month of the war, more than 200,000 citizens have been killed, more than a million have been expelled from their homes, hundreds of cities and villages are destroyed."

"The world has not responded in an appropriate manner to such barbarism," he added.

Accounts here vary on the degree to which the Bosnian Government was forced to change its position on the embargo. Some diplomats say Mr. Izetbegovic concluded some weeks ago that the status quo might be preferable to an uncertain future, not only because of threats to withdraw the protection force but also because the Serbs, again besieging Sarajevo, might take the opportunity to increase their war supplies in defiance of several resolutions intended to curb them.

The Bosnians have been able to import some arms through Croatia since the two countries agreed to a federation. Although Croatians deny it publicly, diplomats say Croatia has also opposed the lifting of the embargo on Bosnia.

Discussions between the Bosnians and the five-nation Western group on modifying the call for an immediate lifting of the embargo have been going on for about three weeks, an American official said. The Bosnian leader had begun to see the problems that might be caused not only in Sarajevo but in other vulnerable pockets of Bosnian Muslim territory if United Nations peacekeepers left.

In his speech today, Mr. Izetbegovic also called for a United Nations resolution strengthening and expanding "safe haven" areas in Bosnia, including the creation of a demilitarized belt around Sarajevo with guarantees that the city would be reopened to the world.

Last week, Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali opposed expanding safe havens, saying that this would change the character of the conflict, drawing in United Nations troops. This could lead to an end to the United Nations operation, he said in a report to the Security Council.

The Bosnian President also asked for better monitoring of the Serbian-Bosnian border, where promises to cut supplies to Bosnian Serbs by the Government of President Slobodan Milosevic of Serbia have been rewarded by a Security Council resolution to ease sanctions on the rump Yugoslavia if the pledges are kept.

http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9C0CEFDE113AF93BA1575AC0A962958260



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PRILOG 2. Rezolucije usvojena od strane americkog Kongresa 4 januara 1995. kojom je ukinut "Arms Embargo" Bosni i Hercegovini



Bosnia and Herzegovina Self-Defense Act of 1995 (Enrolled as Agreed to or Passed by Both House and Senate)
--S.21--

S.21

One Hundred Fourth Congress

of the

United States of America

AT THE FIRST SESSION

Begun and held at the City of Washington on Wednesday,

the fourth day of January, one thousand nine hundred and ninety-five

An Act

To terminate the United States arms embargo applicable to the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

This Act may be cited as the `Bosnia and Herzegovina Self-Defense Act of 1995'.
SEC. 2. FINDINGS.

The Congress makes the following findings:

(1) For the reasons stated in section 520 of the Foreign Relations Authorization Act, Fiscal Years 1994 and 1995 (Public Law 103-236), the Congress has found that continued application of an international arms embargo to the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina contravenes that Government's inherent right of individual or collective self-defense under Article 51 of the United National Charter and therefore is inconsistent with international law.

(2) The United States has not formally sought multilateral support for terminating the arms embargo against Bosnia and Herzegovina through a vote on a United Nations Security Council resolution since the enactment of section 1404 of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 1995 (Public Law 103-337).

(3) The United Nations Security Council has not taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security in Bosnia and Herzegovina since the aggression against that country began in April 1992.

(4) The Contact Group, composed of representatives of the United States, Russia, France, Great Britain, and Germany, has since July 1994 maintained that in the event of continuing rejection by the Bosnian Serbs of the Contact Group's proposal for Bosnia and Herzegovina, a decision in the United Nations Security Council to lift the Bosnian arms embargo as a last resort would be unavoidable.
SEC. 3. STATEMENT OF SUPPORT.

The Congress supports the efforts of the Government of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina--

(1) to defend its people and the territory of the Republic;

(2) to preserve the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of the Republic; and

(3) to bring about a peaceful, just, fair, viable, and sustainable settlement of the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
SEC. 4. TERMINATION OF ARMS EMBARGO.

(a) TERMINATION- The President shall terminate the United States arms embargo of the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as provided in subsection (b), following--

(1) receipt by the United States Government of a request from the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina for termination of the United States arms embargo and submission by the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina, in exercise of its sovereign rights as a nation, of a request to the United Nations Security Council for the departure of UNPROFOR from Bosnia and Herzegovina; or

(2) a decision by the United Nations Security Council, or decisions by countries contributing forces to UNPROFOR, to withdraw UNPROFOR from Bosnia and Herzegovina.

(b) IMPLEMENTATION OF TERMINATION- The President may implement termination of the United States arms embargo of the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina pursuant to subsection (a) prior to the date of completion of the withdrawal of UNPROFOR personnel from Bosnia and Herzegovina, but shall, subject to subsection (c), implement termination of the embargo pursuant to that subsection no later than the earlier of--

(1) the date of completion of the withdrawal of UNPROFOR personnel from Bosnia and Herzegovina; or

(2) the date which is 12 weeks after the date of submission by the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina of a request to the United Nations Security Council for the departure of UNPROFOR from Bosnia and Herzegovina.

(c) PRESIDENTIAL WAIVER AUTHORITY- If the President determines and reports in advance to Congress that the safety, security, and successful completion of the withdrawal of UNPROFOR personnel from Bosnia and Herzegovina in accordance with subsection (b)(2) requires more time than the period provided for in that subsection, the President may extend the time period available under subsection (b)(2) for implementing termination of the United States arms embargo of the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina for a period of up to 30 days. The authority in this subsection may be exercised to extend the time period available under subsection (b)(2) for more than one 30-day period.

(d) PRESIDENTIAL REPORTS- Within 7 days of the commencement of the withdrawal of UNPROFOR from Bosnia and Herzegovina, and every 14 days thereafter, the President shall report in writing to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives on the status and estimated date of completion of the withdrawal operation. If any such report includes an estimated date of completion of the withdrawal which is later than 12 weeks after commencement of the withdrawal operation, the report shall include the operational reasons which prevent the completion of the withdrawal within 12 weeks of commencement.

(e) INTERNATIONAL POLICY- If the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina submits a request to the United Nations Security Council for the departure of UNPROFOR from Bosnia and Herzegovina or if the United Nations Security Council or the countries contributing forces to UNPROFOR decide to withdraw from Bosnia and Herzegovina, as provided in subsection (a), the President (or his representative) shall immediately introduce and support in the United Nations Security Council a resolution to terminate the application of United Nations Security Council resolution 713 to the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The United States shall insist on a vote on the resolution by the Security Council. The resolution shall, at a minimum, provide for the termination of the applicability of United Nations Security Council resolution 713 to the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina no later than the completion of the withdrawal of UNPROFOR personnel from Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the event the United Nations Security Council fails to adopt the resolution to terminate the application of United Nations Security Council resolution 713 to the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina because of a lack of unanimity of the permanent members, thereby failing to exercise its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, the United States shall promptly endeavor to bring the issue before the General Assembly for decision as provided for in the Assembly's Uniting for Peace Resolution of 1950.

(f) RULE OF CONSTRUCTION- Nothing in this section shall be interpreted as authorization for deployment of United States forces in the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina for any purpose, including training, support, or delivery of military equipment.

(g) DEFINITIONS- As used in this section--

(1) the term `United States arms embargo of the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina' means the application to the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina of--

(A) the policy adopted July 10, 1991, and published in the Federal Register of July 19, 1991 (58 FR 33322) under the heading `Suspension of Munitions Export Licenses to Yugoslavia'; and

(B) any similar policy being applied by the United States Government as of the date of completion of withdrawal of UNPROFOR personnel from Bosnia and Herzegovina, pursuant to which approval is denied for transfers of defense articles and defense services to the former Yugoslavia; and

(2) the term `completion of the withdrawal of UNPROFOR personnel from Bosnia and Herzegovina' means the departure from the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina of substantially all personnel participating in UNPROFOR and substantially all other personnel assisting in their withdrawal, within a reasonable period of time, without regard to whether the withdrawal was initiated pursuant to a request by the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina, a decision by the United Nations Security Council, or decisions by countries contributing forces

to UNPROFOR, but the term does not include such personnel as may remain in Bosnia and Herzegovina pursuant to an agreement between the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the government of any country providing such personnel.

Speaker of the House of Representatives.

Vice President of the United States and

President of the Senate.

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PRILOG 3. Izetbegovicev govor u UN kojim je i drugi put, defintivno odbio naoruzavanje Armije BiH



Statement by

H.E. President Alija Izetbegovic

The Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina



Special Commemorative Meeting

of the General Assembly

on the occasion of

the Fiftieth Anniversary of the United Nations



October 24, 1995

New York



Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, Excellencies, distinguished delegates,



The organization of the United Nations, whose anniversary we today celebrate always been a source of our hope, but also a constant cause of our disappointment. Some say that it the largest, but on occasions, the most inefficient body in human history. The number of unimplemented resolutions is a proof of this. Being as it is, our organization probably reflects the imperfection of our world. If the continuous improvement of the world is not work in vain, the further improvement of the United Nations is not only possible but very necessary.



The supreme goal is the maintenance of peace. The United Nations has succeeded in the prevention of global conflict, but it has proved less effective in stopping local ones. The sum of the catastrophic consequences in local wars since the foundation of the United Nations until today has reached a tragic balance with the world wars of this century.



The United Nations acted effectively in stopping the Gulf crisis. Unfortunately, this efficacy has not repeated itself in the case of the aggression against my country. The price of hesitation has been enormous. My people paid this price.



I would like to repeat the words of the Georgian Minister for Foreign Affairs, who at this rostrum, two days ago, stated that "we must have the courage and the will to call an aggressor, an aggressor, and genocide, genocide."



As you know, very often, there has been a lack of either courage or will, and sometimes both.



In several days, the talks on peace in Bosnia will commence. We approach this initiative, undertaken by the United States and its President, with the best of faith and with plenty of hope. Our people need and want peace. We have not started this war, and although we are winning, we have not dreamed of being victors in war. We have always worked towards peace and we would like to be victors in peace.



We want to create a society based on political and ethnic pluralism, the respect for human rights, and private enterprise. Since, on the other side, everything is opposite to this, we are confident that our ideas will triumph in a peaceful game in the next 5 to 10 years. Thanks to the remarkable superiority of our model of society and state we shall win, with God's help.



The Bosnian Government and Army will no accept the division and disintegration of our country, no matter in what packaging it may be served. The division of Bosnia will lead to the continuation of war, immediately or later.



Genuine democratic elections in Bosnia are a big -if not the only- real chance to remove from the commanding political and military functions the war criminals and nationalist fanatics who have caused this war and who will continue to poison the relations between people and nations. In order that this chance for democracy in the Balkans not be wasted, it is necessary to ensure certain conditions. These conditions are freedom and effective international supervision of elections.



If the peace negotiations are concluded successfully, the renovation of the war stricken areas will follow, in particular in Bosnia. The international community is promising significant support to the reconstruction plan. In this connection, I would make one, may be unexpected, proposal: put conditions on this assistance. Send a clear message that the party which will not respect freedoms and human rights, will not receive assistance. And decide that these conditions should be strictly observed. Do not make mistakes again, in the hope that you can buy or improve the criminals and tyrants by new concessions. And take one step further. Isolate the criminals and tyrants. That is the only way.



Those who have lead their people to the path of crime must be removed. Without this there is no peace or security, neither in Bosnia, nor in the region.



We want and have the right to integrate Bosnia, which has been destroyed, not through the will of its people, but through the force of weapons. The Bosniak - Croat Federation is an important step in this direction and all friends of Bosnia should support and assist this project.



In order to achieve peace - and what is more - to maintain it, it is necessary to establish a balance in weaponry. This balance can be established on a higher or lower level. We give the preference to the latter, and we demand the reduction of Serbian heavy weaponry. If the Serbs reject this, the only option is to arm the Bosnian Army, which, so strengthened, will become a factor of peace and stability in the region.



At present, almost all of our cities are within the reach of Serbian artillery. This artillery must be removed or destroyed. We cannot and will not agree to continue to live under permanent threat.



And in the end, in the past two days, many speeches have been delivered in this hall. We have heard nice and noble words on democracy, freedom and all that comes with it. Freedom and justice have been recalled by some of those who have stridden and continue to stride over the basic rights of people and nations.



One of the ancient holy scripts says: "Judge them according to their deeds." Therefore, let us listen to what they are saying, but let us ask them what they are doing. As soon as they return home, unfortunately, they will contiune their course. It is up to us to stop them.



I thank you.

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